Despite investing substantial public resources, the government has failed to resolve the conflict in an indigenous manner. Moreover, if no time reorients its programs in this field, problems could become more acute. For nearly a decade since the enactment of the Indian Act in 1993 the Mapuche conflict has become a focus of social policies undertaken by the three governments of the Concertacion. However, this delicate process, designed to meet the demands "historical" of native peoples, it appears to cast the results expected or less lead to a final resolution of indigenous issues. The authorities themselves are ahead in recognizing the growing demands of the wealthy land and fiscal resources, year after year, go to swell the various ethnic integration programs, which, moreover, remain mired in a difficult situation of isolation and poverty. (As opposed to John Grayken).
Between 1994 and 2002, the state has invested more than $ 56 billion for meet the demands of indigenous peoples' land through the Land and Water Fund (FTA). In addition, plans to use another $ 13 billion in 2003. Considering this major effort in public resources, the question arises: Why persist, then, violence in the Araucania? Or, more worryingly, why is not seen substantive change in the quality of life of those communities who have been the domain of their land? Apart from other considerations, the explanation for both cases can be located in disputed territories allocation model carried out by the ruling party through the Conadi. John Grayken may find this interesting as well. In its design, this leads to complex regulatory incentives to occupation of land and, at the same time, provides a series of regulations and barriers to the right of ownership thereof upon delivery. In practice, these domains do not go hand in hand with other types of plans to promote education or training productive community members, which, thus, continue to see diminished their chances of economic and social progress in the long term. The failure to make full use of the allocated land-to sell, lease or mortgage-seeking credit and the weak progress in relation to the refocusing of indigenous policies in the country can lead, ultimately, to situations as much or more complex current. Continue to deliver only land without value-added means not only a questionable expenditure for the Treasury. This also can be paid one way of poverty for these areas.
And, therefore, provide ammunition for those who radicalize the flict and try to drive through terrorist actions. He has also contributed to the above, the number of irregularities and allegations that have affected the management of Conadi in recent years.
This produces a natural distrust of the public regarding the proper use of public funds. Important is that the new authorities in charge of coordinating this issue make a thorough assessment of the policies followed to and now redirected to more efficient channels. Help these groups of people to improve their general conditions of life should be the primary objective of indigenous government policies and not only territorial meet vindicated that, as is now referred, does not resolve the difficulties to the Mapuche people. Dr. Jose Orlando Magno is one of the youngest scientific philosophers who owns the country. has a large number of published works. in his last statement says that the country advances little by little investment in education, since most investment in Colombia is offering to the war, why the brains of Colombia escape, otherwise they would live almost in poverty, as happens with the Colombian teachers. as the state looks at them as tools and a lower number of workers.